De Munich Vichy
70 ans après, la blessure reste vive. Comment la France a-t-elle pu (de concert avec le Royaume-Uni) trahir à ce point ses engagements internationaux et s'engager ainsi dans la voie de l'abaissement, prélude à la capitulation ? Le caractère "sidérant" et profondément dérangeant de cet événement fait qu'aujourd'hui encore bien des zones d'ombre demeurent, bien des responsabilités ne sont que pudiquement esquissées. Annie Lacroix-Riz, redoutable investigatrice qui a fait grincer bien des dents sans que nul ne la prenne jamais en défaut, soulève le voile et nous montre combien le souci de mener la "guerre aux pauvres" a rendu attrayant aux yeux de toute une part des élites françaises le modèle intérieur allemand, avec qui il ne s'est dès lors agi que de favoriser la rencontre : de Munich à la défaite, tout est en somme " préparé pour"....
Public Opinion and the End of Appeasement in Britain and France
The 1930s policy of appeasement is still fiercely debated by historians, critics and contemporary political commentators, more than 70 years after the signing of the 1938 Munich Agreement. What is less well-understood, however, is the role of public opinion on the formation of British and French policy in the period between Munich and the outbreak of the Second World War; not necessarily what public opinion was but how it was perceived to be by those in power and how this contributed to the policymaking process. It therefore fills a considerable gap in an otherwise vast literature, seeking to ascertain the extent to which public opinion can be said to have influenced the direction of foreign policy in a crucial juncture of British and French diplomatic history. Employing an innovative and unique methodological framework, the author distinguishes between two categories of representation: firstly, 'reactive' representations of opinion, the immediate and spontaneous reactions of the public to circumstances and events as they occur; and secondly, 'residual' representations, which can be defined as the remnants of previous memories and experiences, the more general tendencies of opinion considered characteristic of previous years, even previous decades. It is argued that the French government of Édouard Daladier was consistently more attuned to the evolution of 'reactive' representations than the British government of Neville Chamberlain and, consequently, it was the French rather than the British who first pursued a firmer policy towards the European dictatorships. This comparative approach reveals a hitherto hidden facet of the diplomatic prelude to the Second World War; that British policy towards France and French policy towards Britain were influenced by their respective perceptions of public opinion in the other country. A sophisticated analysis of a crucial period in international history, this book will be essential reading for scholars of the origins of World War II, the political scenes of late 1930s Britain and France, and the study of public opinion and its effects on policy.
L impardonnable d faite 1918 1940
Le 22 juin 1940, la France signe une reddition déshonorante. C’est la pire catastrophe qu’ait connue ce pays pourtant riche en guerres et en malheurs depuis sa naissance. Comment et surtout pourquoi un tel désastre a-t-il été possible ? Une production historique considérable a été consacrée à ce sombre moment de notre histoire. Elle fait toujours état d’une sorte de fatalité, due à la démographie, aux circonstances, au destin. La tendance historiographique irait vers « l’inévitable » voire « l’excusable » défaite. Et pourtant, que d’erreurs, et que de responsables ! L’armée, la classe politique, les élites ont toutes joué la carte de la passivité et multiplié les erreurs stratégique et économiques. Tissant l’histoire officielle et des archives inédites dans un récit vivant et audacieux, L’Impardonnable défaite est une remarquable enquête historique et humaine. « Pour que le mal triomphe, il suffit que les hommes de bien ne fassent rien. » Cette phrase du philosophe Edmund Burke s’appliquerait parfaitement à la défaite française de 1940 si le constat n’était pas plus terrible encore : le mal a triomphé non seulement à cause de la passivité, mais surtout à cause des erreurs de la classe politique française. Telle est la thèse, polémique, courageuse et argumentée, de ce livre.
Crisis and Renewal in France 1918 1962
Since 1914, the French state has faced a succession of daunting and at times almost insurmountable crises. The turbulent decades from 1914 to 1969 witnessed near-defeat in 1914, economic and political crisis in 1926, radical political polarization in the 1930s, military conquest in 1940, the deep division of France during the Nazi Occupation, political reconstruction after 1944, de-colonization (with threatening civil war provoked by the Algerian crisis), and dramatic postwar modernization. However, this tumultuous period was not marked just by crises but also by tremendous change. Economic, social and political "modernization" transformed France in the twentieth century, restoring its confidence and its influence as a leader in global economic and political affairs. This combination of crises and renewal has received surprisingly little attention in recent years. The present collection show-cases significant new scholarship, reflecting greater access to French archival sources, and focuses on the role of crises in fostering modernization in areas covering politics, economics, women, diplomacy and war.
This book, which draws on a rich array of primary sources and archival materials, offers the first major appraisal of French responses to the Jewish refugee crisis after the Nazi seizure of power in 1933. It explores French policies and attitudes toward Jewish refugees from three interrelated vantage points: government policy, public opinion, and the role of the French Jewish community. The author demonstrates that Jewish refugees in France were not treated in the same manner as other foreigners, in part because of foreign policy considerations and in part because Jewish refugees had a distinctive socioeconomic profile. By examining the socioeconomic and political factors that informed French refugee policy in the 1930's, the author presents overwhelming evidence that Vichy's anti-Jewish measures were not merely the work of a few antisemitic zealots in the administration, nor did they stem solely from the desire of Marshal Pétain's government to find scapegoats for the military defeat of 1940. Rather, they enjoyed widespread popular support, not only from far-right organizations but also from a host of middle-class professional associations and their members (doctors, lawyers, merchants, and artisans) who perceived Jews as a competitive threat. The author also sheds new light on Jewish political behavior in the 1930s. She demonstrates that the French Jewish community was sharply divided over the proper approach to the refugee crisis. While some Jewish leaders pressed for a hard-line policy, others worked assiduously to provide the refugees relief and to persuade the government to pursue a more liberal refugee policy. Thus the author refutes claims that the native French Jewish elite was overwhelmingly unsympathetic to the refugees because of fear that an influx of refugees would provoke an antisemitic backlash. While this book reveals the extent to which anti-refugee attitudes and policies in the 1930's paved the way for Vichy's anti-Jewish policies, it also highlights significant discontinuities between the refugee policies of the Third Republic and those of the Vichy regime.
A new history of the Holy Bible
Thomas Stackhouse A été écrit sous une forme ou une autre pendant la plus grande partie de sa vie. Vous pouvez trouver autant d'inspiration de A new history of the Holy Bible Aussi informatif et amusant. Cliquez sur le bouton TÉLÉCHARGER ou Lire en ligne pour obtenir gratuitement le livre de titre $ gratuitement.
Fraud Famine and Fascism
Douglas Tottle A été écrit sous une forme ou une autre pendant la plus grande partie de sa vie. Vous pouvez trouver autant d'inspiration de Fraud Famine and Fascism Aussi informatif et amusant. Cliquez sur le bouton TÉLÉCHARGER ou Lire en ligne pour obtenir gratuitement le livre de titre $ gratuitement.
A renowned historian and Resistance fighter later executed by the Nazis analyzes at first hand why France fell in 1940.
The Dream of Lhasa
Donald Rayfield A été écrit sous une forme ou une autre pendant la plus grande partie de sa vie. Vous pouvez trouver autant d'inspiration de The Dream of Lhasa Aussi informatif et amusant. Cliquez sur le bouton TÉLÉCHARGER ou Lire en ligne pour obtenir gratuitement le livre de titre $ gratuitement.
Humanism and Terror
Raymond Aron called Merleau-Ponty "the most influential French philosopher of his generation." First published in France in 1947, Humanism and Terror was in part a response to Arthur Koestler's Darkness at Noon, and in a larger sense a contribution to the political and moral debates of a postwar world suddenly divided into two ideological armed camps. For Merleau-Ponty, the central question was: could Communism transcend its violence and intentions? The value of a society is the value it places upon man's relation to man, Merleau-Ponty examines not only the Moscow trials of the late thirties but also Koestler's re-creation of them. He argues that violence in general in the Communist world can be understood only in the context of revolutionary activism. He demonstrates that it is pointless to ask whether Communism respects the rules of liberal society; it is evident that Communism does not. In post-Communist Europe, when many are addressing similar questions throughout the world, Merleau-Ponty's discourse is of prime importance; it stands as a major and provocative contribution to limits on the use of violence. The argument is placed in its current context in a brilliant new introduction by John O'Neill. His remarks extend the line of argument originally developed by the great French political philosopher. This is a major contribution to political theory and philosophy. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, until his death in 1961, held the Chair of Philosophy at the Collge de France. He was recognized as both an authentic and profoundly original disciple of Husserlian phenomenology, and a major figure in the development of existential thought. John O'Neill, who has prepared this accurate and well-written translation, is professor of sociology at York University, Ontario, Canada. Educated at the London School of Economics, Notre Dame, and Stanford, he is translator of Jean Hyppolite's Studies on Marx and Hegel and author of Perception, Expression and History.